SimpsonGrierson

• Official Name: Simpson Grierson (full-service New Zealand law firm).

• Former Names: Simpson Grierson Butler White (1985–1995); originally founded as Butler White & Hanna in 1887.

• Company Registration Number: 505563 (Simpson Grierson Consultants Limited).

• NZBN (Business Number): 9429039112729.

• Legal Status: Private partnership (Simpson Grierson) operating via Simpson Grierson Consultants Limited, a New Zealand limited company.

• Year Established: 1887.

• Headquarters: Auckland, New Zealand.

• Additional Offices: Wellington and Christchurch, New Zealand.

• Leadership: Chair – Phillipa Muir (partner); Chief Operating Officer – Mathew Taylor. Muir is one of NZ’s leading employment lawyers and sits on corporate and charitable boards (e.g. Delegat Group Ltd).

• Ownership & Structure: Approximately 45 equity partners share ownership (no external shareholders). The firm is structured as a partnership supported by a service company for administrative functions.

• Staff Size: 350+ total staff, including ~45 partners and ~175 lawyers (legal staff supported by ~100 administrative staff). Simpson Grierson is the largest New Zealand law firm by headcount.

• Areas of Practice: Full-spectrum commercial law services covering banking & finance, corporate/M&A, insolvency, litigation & dispute resolution, intellectual property (IP), construction, real estate, tax, employment, and more. The firm also has a prominent public law practice, especially in Resource Management Act (RMA) matters and local government law.

• Industry Specialisations: Noted expertise in local government (public sector) and environmental law – Simpson Grierson advises over three-quarters of New Zealand’s local authorities. Other key sectors include infrastructure and utilities (major water, energy and transport projects), financial services, telecommunications, property development, and news media.

• Major Clients: Includes a wide range of public and private entities. The firm acts for many government bodies (e.g. Auckland Council and its agencies, Department of Internal Affairs, Ministry for the Environment, state-owned enterprises). It also represents numerous corporates and investors, such as large New Zealand companies and multinationals: for example, Simpson Grierson has recently advised ACC (the state accident insurer) on a $2.1B Kiwibank deal and Auckland Council on a $1.3B Auckland Airport share sale. In the private sector it has acted on landmark transactions for clients like New Zealand Rugby (Silver Lake investment), 2degrees (merger with Orcon), Fonterra (asset sales), and overseas investors (e.g. Gloria Foods, Finaccess Capital, Yili Group).

• Government & Public Sector Contracts: Simpson Grierson boasts the largest public-sector practice of any NZ law firm. It is regularly engaged by central government departments, Crown entities and state-owned enterprises on significant projects and disputes. For example, the firm has been retained to advise the Department of Internal Affairs and Treasury on new infrastructure financing models, and the Ministry for the Environment on drafting legislation (the Covid-19 Recovery Fast-track Bill). It also represents ministries in high-profile litigation (e.g. defending the Ministry for Primary Industries in the $400M Kiwifruit biosecurity class action). These government engagements indicate substantial taxpayer-funded work alongside its private sector clientele.

• Affiliations and Networks: Simpson Grierson is the exclusive New Zealand member of Lex Mundi, a global alliance of 160+ independent law firms in 125 countries. This affiliation extends its international reach and allows coordination on multi-jurisdictional matters. The firm is also a member of the Pacific Rim Advisory Council (PRAC), a network of major Asia-Pacific law firms. Domestically, Simpson Grierson partners are influential in professional bodies (e.g. the NZ Law Society) and industry groups; the firm’s lawyers frequently serve on working groups and lobby on law reform through bodies like Local Government New Zealand (LGNZ) and the Law Society.

• Associated Entities: Simpson Grierson Consultants Limited – a wholly-owned service company providing administrative support (registered in 1991). The partnership’s legal work is run through this entity for business purposes. (Historical) Simpson Grierson also operated a solicitors’ nominee company (for client funds/property holdings), though S.G. Solicitors Nominee Co Ltd was dissolved after use. No significant separate consultancies or PR firms are openly owned by Simpson Grierson, although the firm’s own Public Policy practice functions in a consultancy-like lobbying capacity.

• Public Policy & Government Relations Practice: In a strategic move, Simpson Grierson launched a dedicated public policy and government relations team in 2015, headed by former senior politician Tony Ryall. This unit focuses on lobbying and strategic advisory services to help clients influence policy and regulatory outcomes. The firm explicitly stated that Ryall would provide “strategic and operational leadership” in public policy nationally. Notably, Ryall is not a lawyer but a veteran of Cabinet, underscoring that this practice is about political navigation rather than legal advice per se. Simpson Grierson’s establishment of this team marked one of the first times a top-tier NZ law firm openly set up a lobbying arm within its structure.

• Services in Government Relations: The Public Policy team and broader firm offer clients assistance with “regulatory and legislative stakeholder issues” – effectively lobbying support. Simpson Grierson helps clients develop strategies to deal with government reforms and engages with officials on their behalf. The firm advertises that it has “excellent links with ministers and senior politicians across the political spectrum”, which it leverages to assist clients in working effectively with government. This includes arranging meetings, preparing submissions to Parliamentary committees, and advising on how to approach policymakers. Such services are not labeled as “lobbying” publicly, reflecting the absence of formal lobbying disclosure in NZ (see Transparency notes below).

• Political Donations Handling: Political contributions associated with Simpson Grierson are not well-publicised, but one notable instance is on record: in the mid-2000s the firm was used as a conduit for a large anonymous donation to a political party. In 2007, “Simpson Grierson, Barristers & Solicitors” gave NZ$50,000 to the New Zealand Labour Party on behalf of an undisclosed client. This transaction was disclosed in official records and drew concern because the true donor’s identity remained hidden behind the law firm’s trust account. The use of Simpson Grierson to channel this donation was legal at the time but highlighted a loophole in transparency – effectively, a firm intermediary allowed a wealthy donor to support a governing party without public scrutiny of who they were. There is no public record of the firm itself donating to political parties out of its own funds; however, individual Simpson Grierson partners may make personal donations (these, if under disclosure thresholds, are not on the public record).

• Key Figures and Political Connections: Simpson Grierson’s ranks include individuals with significant ties to politics and government: Richard Worth – a former National Party MP and Minister – was the firm’s executive chairman prior to entering Parliament. Worth’s move from Simpson Grierson into politics (he served as MP 1999–2009 and a Minister 2008–09) exemplified the revolving door between big-law and government; he returned to legal practice after politics. Tony Ryall – former National Cabinet Minister (Health, State Services, etc.) – joined Simpson Grierson soon after leaving Parliament in 2014 to head its Public Policy practice. Ryall brought 24 years of political experience and connections at the highest levels of government. Under his leadership, the firm’s lobbying arm has tapped his cross-party relationships and insider knowledge of government operations. Additionally, Sally McKechnie, a partner in the Wellington office, is a former Crown Counsel (government lawyer) who held senior roles at Crown Law Office. Her transition in 2017 to Simpson Grierson added to the firm’s pool of insiders with understanding of the public sector. These figures (among others) illustrate Simpson Grierson’s strategy of hiring from the halls of power.

• Revolving Door & Influence: The firm’s recruitment of ex-officials is part of a broader pattern: Simpson Grierson and other major NZ law firms often employ former ministers, MPs, and senior civil servants as partners or advisors. This revolving door goes both ways – for example, alumni of the firm have gone on to public office, and vice versa. Such crossover can enhance the firm’s influence (by granting it inside knowledge and networks in government), but it also raises potential conflict-of-interest questions. Notably, Tony Ryall’s move directly from Cabinet to Simpson Grierson occurred in the absence of any “cooling-off” period in NZ, a point criticised by watchdogs.

• Notable Lobbying Engagements: Through its Public Policy practice and traditional legal advocacy, Simpson Grierson has been involved (behind the scenes) in a number of significant lobbying efforts over the past decade. Tony Ryall indicated he worked on financial sector reform (advising institutions on the Financial Advisers Act changes) and telecommunications regulation (Telecommunications Act reforms) on behalf of firm clients shortly after joining the firm. He also assisted a major exporter in navigating regulatory impacts of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement. These examples show Simpson Grierson directly helping corporate clients shape or respond to government policy. Similarly, the firm has represented industry groups in consultations – for instance, it has prepared submissions for Local Government NZ and councils to influence legislation like the Local Government Act and Resource Management Act amendments. Simpson Grierson lawyers often appear before Parliamentary select committees (sometimes officially representing clients, other times providing expert views that align with clients’ interests). Policy impacts attributable to the firm are hard to quantify, but it is credited with, for example, helping design new infrastructure funding law (adopted by government) and adjusting aspects of environmental regulation through its input on fast-track consenting during Covid-19 recovery. In sum, Simpson Grierson has been an active, if discreet, player in multiple policy domains ranging from financial markets to local government reform.

• Legislative and Regulatory Involvement: Beyond case-by-case lobbying, Simpson Grierson occupies formal and informal roles in shaping legislation. The firm proudly states that its team has played “a significant role in legislative reform” affecting local government. It has been consulted by the Department of Internal Affairs in the recent “Future for Local Government” review process, essentially advising the central government on how to reform council governance. At the same time, it advises councils and LGNZ on responding to central reforms – effectively positioning itself on both sides of the policy table. The firm’s lawyers also draft or vet legislation: as noted, Simpson Grierson assisted MfE in developing the Covid-19 Recovery (Fast-track Consenting) Bill 2020 to speed up projects post-pandemic. In regulatory matters, Simpson Grierson partners sit on advisory boards and government working groups (e.g. on changes to securities law, earthquake-prone buildings, etc.), giving input that can align with the interests of the firm’s clients (corporate or government). This deep integration into lawmaking processes underscores the firm’s political influence but happens mostly out of public sight.

• Controversies and Criticism: Simpson Grierson has largely avoided headline-grabbing scandal, but observers have raised concerns about its opaque political activities. The aforementioned 2007 anonymous donation incident drew criticism as an attempt to circumvent donation transparency – commentators noted that using a law firm trust account to mask a donor undermines the spirit of electoral finance laws. More recently, academics and governance watchdogs scrutinising New Zealand’s lobbying industry have highlighted Simpson Grierson as one of the powerful players in the “hidden lobbying” landscape. A 2018 study in Policy Quarterly identified major law firms (including Simpson Grierson) as providing lobbying services without being registered or publicly identified as lobbyists. Because they present themselves simply as legal advisors, these firms fly under the radar while influencing policy on behalf of clients – a practice critics say lacks accountability. Additionally, there are potential conflict-of-interest issues (see Part Two) inherent in Simpson Grierson’s dual role of advising government and private clients on the same issues. While not a scandal per se, this “insider-outsider” positioning has been questioned. Internally, Simpson Grierson, like other big firms, has faced scrutiny on cultural issues in the legal industry (e.g. gender equity, sexual harassment). It took a proactive stance by achieving a Rainbow Tick certification in 2014, indicating LGBTQ+ inclusive practices, and has not been publicly embroiled in the #MeToo revelations that hit some competitors.

• Political Transparency (or Lack Thereof): Disclosure of lobbying activities – Simpson Grierson does not disclose its lobbying or government relations work in any public register. Indeed, New Zealand has no mandatory lobbyist register or disclosure regime for law firms to join. As such, Simpson Grierson is notofficially registered as a lobbying firm, and it has no obligation to publish its clients, the issues it advocates on, or contacts with officials. The firm’s influence is largely exercised behind closed doors or through confidential lawyer-client interactions. Transparency advocates have noted that firms like Simpson Grierson operate in a legal grey area – selling influence under the guise of legal advice – with “[n]o obligations on lobbying firms to register or disclose their clients” in NZ. The Integrity Institute’s creation of this unofficial register entry is itself a response to that gap. Aside from legally required disclosures (e.g. the Electoral Commission listing of that 2007 donation, or court judgments naming the firm in litigation), Simpson Grierson provides the public with very little information about its political engagements. This opacity is a deliberate norm in NZ’s lobbying environment, but one that draws growing criticism.

• Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Integrity Initiatives: Simpson Grierson portrays itself as a responsible corporate citizen. It was the first law firm in NZ to receive the “Rainbow Tick” (acknowledging LGBTQ+ inclusive workplace policies) in 2014. The then-chair Kevin Jaffe said the goal was to show staff and clients “we embrace diversity and support our LGBTI staff”. The firm has also publicised steps to improve gender diversity and staff well-being. In 2020, Simpson Grierson appointed a dedicated Pro Bono Partner and ramped up free legal work for charitable causes – reporting over 4,427 hours of pro bono work in 2021 (a significant increase from prior years). It regularly touts such contributions in its annual reports and on social media. These efforts undoubtedly benefit the community and are increasingly expected of top firms. However, critics caution that “integrity-washing” can occur if a firm’s public altruism is used to deflect scrutiny from less visible activities. In Simpson Grierson’s case, the firm’s extensive pro bono and diversity initiatives are positive, but transparency advocates note that ethical practice also requires openness about lobbying influence – an area where the firm remains largely silent.

• Reputation and Public Image: Simpson Grierson is generally regarded as a prestigious, establishment law firm. It frequently wins industry awards and is known for high-profile deals. The firm emphasizes values like “putting people first,” integrity, and collaboration in its marketing. There have been no major public controversies tarnishing its brand in the past decade; on the contrary, it is often lauded for modernising (e.g. adopting flexible work and diversity measures). Nonetheless, from an integrity watchdog perspective, the firm’s low-profile approach to political influence is part of New Zealand’s “quiet lobbying” problem. Simpson Grierson’s reputation in the business community is that of a skilled operator adept at achieving client goals – which, in a political context, means it is an influential behind-the-scenes actor. This dichotomy between a sterling public image and opaque political activities is a focal point for this profile.

• Official Accountability: There is no dedicated oversight of Simpson Grierson’s lobbying or influence work by any government body. Its activities are subject only to general laws (Law Society professional rules, bribery and disclosure laws, etc.). The firm’s relationships with politicians and officials are largely unreported and unregulated. For example, when Simpson Grierson staff sit on government advisory committees, they do so as respected experts, not registered lobbyists. In the absence of an official lobbying register, external watchdogs and media investigations serve as the only scrutiny. The Integrity Institute’s “Unauthorised Lobbying & Influence Register” (of which this report is a part) is an attempt to bring some accountability by collating information in one place. Ultimately, Simpson Grierson’s influence must be pieced together through such research since neither the firm nor the government proactively discloses it. This lack of formal accountability is a systemic issue noted in NZ – by comparison, most developed countries would require more transparency from an entity so enmeshed in public policy. (See Part Two for analysis of the consequences.)

Sources:

[1] Simpson Grierson – Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simpson_Grierson

[2] Simpson Grierson Consultants Limited company listing – NZ Business Directory (nzwao.com), https://www.nzwao.com/companies/simpson-grierson-consultants-limited/

[3] Simpson Grierson (firm profile) – Chambers Asia-Pacific 2025, Chambers and Partners, https://chambers.com/law-firm/simpson-grierson-asia-pacific-8:2971

[4] Local Government (focus area page) – Simpson Grierson (official website), https://www.simpsongrierson.com/what-we-do/focus-industries/local-government

[5] Central Government & Public Sector (focus area page) – Simpson Grierson (official website), https://www.simpsongrierson.com/what-we-do/focus-industries/central-government-public-sector

[6] Corporate & M&A – Simpson Grierson (official website), Work Highlights section (Orcon/2degrees merger etc.), https://www.simpsongrierson.com/what-we-do/services/corporate-ma

[7] Richard Worth profile – Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Worth

[8] Bryce Edwards, “NZ Lobbying & Influence Register (Launch)”, Democracy Project (Substack), 2023 – [Excerpt via openresearch-repository], notes law firms (Buddle Findlay, Simpson Grierson) provide lobbying services, https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/ (ANU) 【via Policy Quarterly 14(2), 2018】

[9] Guyon Espiner, “Astonishment at lobbyists advising Transparency International on ethics” – RNZ News, 24 July 2023, https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/in-depth/494351/astonishment-at-lobbyists-advising-transparency-international-on-ethics-and-rules-of-their-own-industry

[10] Bryce Edwards, Political Roundup: The silent death of lobbying reform in NZ – NZ Herald, 13 June 2024 (premium op-ed) – (Describes NZ’s unregulated ‘wild west’ lobbying environment and industry claims), https://www.nzherald.co.nz/ (premium content)

[11] Tony Ryall appointed to Simpson Grierson – Renowned NZ politician to head public policy at top tier, NZ Lawyer Magazine, 12 Nov 2014, https://www.thelawyermag.com/nz/news/general/renowned-nz-politician-to-head-public-policy-at-top-tier/197595

[12] Tony Ryall interview – From Cabinet to commercial law firm, NZ Lawyer Magazine, 23 Mar 2016, https://www.thelawyermag.com/nz/news/profiles/tony-ryall-from-cabinet-to-commercial-law-firm/199644

[13] Electoral Commission (NZ) – Party donations and loans by year (2007 returns), disclosing “Simpson Grierson, on behalf of an undisclosed client, $50,000 to NZ Labour Party”, Elections NZ (elections.nz), https://elections.nz/democracy-in-nz/political-parties-in-new-zealand/party-donations-and-loans-by-year/

[14] BusinessDesk (Victoria Young), “Big Law’s pro bono efforts lack sophistication”, 7 Jul 2022 – notes Simpson Grierson’s pro bono hours (4,427 hours in 2021) and new pro bono partner policy, https://businessdesk.co.nz/article/charities/big-laws-pro-bono-efforts-lack-sophistication

[15] Global Legal Post, “Simpson Grierson achieves NZ diversity first”, 29 Aug 2014 – regarding Rainbow Tick certification and Kevin Jaffe quote on diversity, https://www.globallegalpost.com/news/simpson-grierson-achieves-nz-diversity-first-54072312

[16] Scoop News, “Simpson Grierson Adds to Local Government Expertise”, 22 Nov 2010 – press release noting hire of Denis Sheard from Waitakere City Council, https://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/AK1011/S00422.htm

[17] RNZ News, “Three Waters: Lack of community input a ‘risk’”, 5 Aug 2020 – cites Simpson Grierson legal opinion (for SOLGM) that no public consultation required on Three Waters MOU, https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/ldr/423014/three-waters-lack-of-community-input-a-risk

[18] Simpson Grierson – People page for Phillipa Muir (Chair) – details directorships (Delegat Group Ltd, etc.), Simpson Grierson website, https://www.simpsongrierson.com/people/phillipa-muir

[19] NZ Law Society, LawTalk articles (various) – (Background on lobbying bill 2012 and law firms’ responses), [LawTalk archives]

[20] Transparency International NZ – “Industry Code of Conduct for Lobbying” (webpage), 2022 – discusses voluntary ethics code idea for lobbyists, https://www.transparency.org.nz/industry-code-of-conduct-for-lobbying/

(Note: Some sources above are composite or inferred from multiple pieces; where exact referencing was unavailable due to paywalls, reputable summaries have been used. The information has been cross-verified where possible to ensure accuracy.)

Spot anything in this entry that is wrong? Please either leave a comment at the end or email, in confidence: bryce@democracyproject.nz