Philip Morris NZ
Business Name: Philip Morris (New Zealand) Limited (formerly Godfrey Phillips (New Zealand) Limited until 1972).
Company Number & NZBN: Company No. 2648; NZBN 9429040970806.
Incorporation Date: 2 September 1933.
Status: Registered (active) New Zealand Limited Company.
Registered Office Address: 46 Sale Street, Auckland Central, Auckland 1010, New Zealand (Postal: PO Box 128297, Remuera, Auckland 1541).
Contact Details: Telephone +64 9 531 5060 (office switchboard); media enquiries – email pmnz.media@pmi.com.
Ownership: Wholly owned by Philip Morris (Australia) Limited, which holds 100% of shares.
Ultimate Parent Company: Philip Morris International Inc. (PMI) – a major global tobacco company (products sold in 180+ countries), headquartered in the United States and Switzerland. PMI was spun off from Altria (USA) in 2008.
Directors: Jacek Olczak – CEO
Senior Management: Wilson Wei – General Manager New Zealand
Number of Employees (NZ): ~67 (circa 2018). (PMNZ is primarily a sales and distribution operation with no local manufacturing.)
Business Activity: Importer and distributor of tobacco and nicotine products. PMNZ’s core business is selling PMI’s cigarette brands and “smoke-free” alternatives in New Zealand. The company does not manufacture locally, instead importing products from PMI’s international factories.
Brands and Products: Key cigarette brands include Marlboro, Chesterfield, and L&M, among others. PMI’s flagship “heated tobacco” product IQOS (and its tobacco sticks branded HEETS) was introduced in NZ around 2017–2018. PMI also markets vaping devices (e.g. IQOS VEEV) and has sought to introduce oral nicotine pouches in NZ.
Market Position: Philip Morris is one of the three major tobacco companies operating in New Zealand (alongside British American Tobacco and Imperial Tobacco). Historically, PMI held a smaller share of the cigarette market than its competitors, focusing on premium brands. In recent years PMI has aggressively promoted novel products (like IQOS) to expand its market presence as smoking rates decline.
Financials (NZ Operations): Data Not Found. (PMNZ’s revenue/profit is not publicly reported; as a subsidiary its financials are consolidated into PMI’s Asia-Pacific reporting. No separate NZ accounts are published.)
Industry Associations & Memberships: No known current memberships in NZ business or industry associations specific to tobacco. (The Tobacco Institute of New Zealand, an industry lobby group, was dissolved in 2001. PMI NZ does not publicly appear in groups like BusinessNZ or similar, likely due to tobacco’s pariah status.) Data Not Found for any active membership.
Parent Company Associations: PMI globally is a member of international tobacco lobby groups. (In NZ, PMI often coordinates with the other tobacco majors on regulatory submissions but without a formal local tobacco trade association.)
Public Relations & CSR: PMI NZ aligns with its parent’s global PR strategy of presenting itself as a champion of a “smoke-free future.” Its official NZ website states the company is “ready to give up cigarettes” in favor of smoke-free products. PMI NZ touts harm-reduction rhetoric and has publicised workplace diversity efforts (e.g. claiming ~60% of its NZ managers are female). Note: Such PR initiatives have been criticised as “integrity washing” – attempting to rehabilitate the company’s image while it continues to sell harmful products.
Government Engagement (Official): PMI NZ interacts with government mainly through submissions and consultations. It has made submissions to parliamentary committees and expert groups – for example, a 2018 submission to the Tax Working Group advocating fiscal policies to support smoke-free products. The company often requests meetings with policymakers during such consultations. There is no mandatory lobbyist register in NZ, so official meetings are not routinely disclosed.
Lobbyists & Public Affairs: PMI NZ’s lobbying and government relations are handled by in-house staff and regional consultants rather than registered lobbyist firms (given NZ’s lack of a register). David Broome (PMI External Relations Manager) and Apirana Dawson (PMI Director of External Affairs) are two key lobbyists/operatives for Philip Morris in NZ. Both are former NZ First political staffers (see revolving door below). PMI has also employed public affairs managers like Kyla Bottriell (circa 2018) for engaging officials. No external lobbying consultancy is openly retained by PMNZ – influence is exercised largely through the company’s own staff and via third-party entities (see below).
Revolving Door Connections: Strong evidence of “revolving door” hires. Philip Morris NZ has recruited senior staff from political circles: David Broome served as Chief of Staff to Winston Peters (NZ First) before joining PMI, and Apirana Dawson was NZ First’s Director of Operations/Campaigns prior to working for PMI. These hires maintain close links to NZ First – Dawson is known to advise NZ First Minister Shane Jones on policy matters while on PMI’s payroll. Such personnel moves grant PMI insider access to its most receptive political allies. No former government minister is publicly known to work directly for PMI NZ, but these back-channel links are significant.
Third-Party Advocacy: PMI NZ has leveraged sympathetic third-party organisations to amplify its agenda. The company’s 2017 strategy document explicitly noted plans to “leverage” think tanks and lobby groups such as the NZ Taxpayers’ Union and the New Zealand Initiative to advocate for PMI-friendly policies (e.g. lower taxes and looser regulation for “smoke-free” products). These groups, which campaign for low-tax and free-market policies, have indeed echoed arguments aligning with tobacco industry interests (for example, opposing tobacco tax hikes and stringent smokefree laws). Funding links: Direct funding is not disclosed, but PMI’s alignment with these groups’ agendas suggests at least informal cooperation. (Notably, NZ First’s Casey Costello was herself a board member and chair of the Taxpayers’ Union before entering Parliament, illustrating the tight nexus between PMI’s allies and political actors).
Political Donations: No public record of direct donations from Philip Morris to NZ political parties. Foreign corporates are legally barred from donating over NZ$50 to local parties, and no local donations by PMNZ above the transparency thresholds have been declared (Data Not Found in Electoral Commission records). However, concerns have been raised about undisclosed support: Health Coalition Aotearoa in 2024 explicitly called on NZ First to “declare its connections with and donations from Philip Morris New Zealand”, indicating suspicion of indirect or undeclared contributions. NZ First has denied any formal links, and no concrete evidence of donations has emerged publicly as of this profile.
Policy Stance & Influence Activities: Philip Morris NZ officially claims to support New Zealand’s Smokefree 2025 goal but with a focus on switching smokers to its own alternative products. It has lobbied against regulations that threaten its business: opposing plain packaging (PMI submitted against NZ’s plain packaging law in 2014, arguing no evidence of efficacy ), resisting tobacco tax increases, and advocating for recognition of vaping and heated tobacco as harm reduction. PMI NZ’s lobbying strategy emphasizes “harm reduction” narrative – positioning itself as part of the solution, while fighting measures like mandated low-nicotine cigarettes or retail restrictions that could reduce cigarette sales.
Notable Lobbying Successes: PMI has achieved several favourable outcomes in NZ:
Legalisation of Heated Tobacco (HTPs): After initially being blocked, PMI won a court decision in March 2018 allowing its HEETS heated tobacco sticks to be sold legally, defeating the Ministry of Health’s attempt to treat them as banned oral tobacco. The District Court ruled HTPs are not “chewing” tobacco, aligning with PMI’s argument and paving the way for IQOS in NZ.
Tax Reductions for HTPs: In 2023–24, the incoming government (in coalition with NZ First) halved the excise tax on heated tobacco products – exactly as PMI had been lobbying for. Officials noted “the only commercial beneficiary” of this tax cut is PMI (with its monopoly on HTPs). This policy victory mirrors PMI’s stated objective to achieve “a favourable regulatory framework” and lower taxes for its smoke-free products.
Repeal of Smokefree Generation law: In late 2023, the government scrapped the recently passed law that would have banned cigarette sales to future generations. This repeal (a demand of NZ First in coalition negotiations) benefitted PMI by protecting its cigarette market. PMI had signalled strong opposition to the “Smokefree Generation” measure (privately and via third parties), and its rollback represents a major win for the industry.
Controversies: Philip Morris International and its NZ subsidiary have been embroiled in numerous controversies:
Leaked Lobbying Plan (2017): A confidential PMNZ corporate affairs plan titled “Designing a Smoke-free Future in New Zealand” was leaked in 2024. It revealed PMI’s strategy to “maintain political pressure” on policymakers and target specific parties (NZ First and Māori Party) to promote heated tobacco products. The plan talked of forcing opponents into appearing “pro-harm” and co-opting the Smokefree 2025 narrative, exposing the cynical framing at odds with public health goals. Revelations of this document caused public outcry and demands that politicians distance themselves from PMI’s influence.
‘Secret’ Pro-Tobacco Briefing to Minister (2023): In 2024 it emerged that Associate Health Minister Casey Costello had relied on an unsigned briefing paper that closely mirrored tobacco lobby talking points when rolling back smokefree measures. The document – apparently provided to her office by unknown industry lobbyists – claimed nicotine is as harmless as caffeine and derided NZ’s smokefree laws as “nanny state nonsense”. Costello treated this partisan lobbying memo as official advice, a move critics called highly improper and possibly orchestrated by PMI-aligned figures.
Allegations of Undue Influence (2024): The dramatic policy U-turns by the 2023–2024 government (cancelling tobacco retail phase-out, cutting HTP taxes) have been attributed to tobacco industry influence via NZ First. The opposition and health experts accused Minister Costello of being “in thrall to tobacco lobbyists”. In October 2024 the Labour Party requested the Auditor-General investigate the HTP tax-cut decision for signs of industry capture. The Auditor-General inquiry (outcome pending) underscores the serious concern that PMI’s lobbying may have corrupted policy-making.
International Litigation & Pressure: PMI’s aggressive global tactics have impacted New Zealand. The NZ Government delayed implementing plain packaging for years, awaiting the outcome of PMI-backed legal challenges against Australia. PMI’s 2010s lawsuits (e.g. suing Uruguay over graphic warnings, funding WTO challenges to plain packs) signaled to NZ that moving ahead would risk costly litigation. Many view NZ’s slow rollout of plain packs as a result of this “regulatory chill” from PMI’s legal threats.
Integrity Concerns: Watchdog groups accuse PMI of duplicity – publicly supporting Smokefree goals while privately lobbying to weaken NZ’s tobacco control. PMI’s claim that it wants to stop selling cigarettes rings hollow when 62% of its global revenue still comes from cigarettes. Its funding of ostensibly independent research (e.g. the PMI-funded “Foundation for a Smoke-Free World”) was condemned as an attempt to buy scientific credibility. Such actions have led health advocates in NZ to largely shun any partnership with PMI, citing Article 5.3 of the WHO Framework Convention which urges governments to protect health policy from tobacco industry influence.
Official Regulatory Compliance: PMI NZ is subject to NZ tobacco control laws (e.g. advertising bans, standardized packaging, annual product reporting). It has generally complied with formal regulations since the 2018 court ruling clarified heated tobacco legality. No known recent prosecutions or fines aside from the 2018 attempted prosecution (which PMI successfully defended). However, its behind-the-scenes influence on deregulation has prompted calls for stronger transparency rules rather than legal penalties.
Transparency: Low. PMI NZ does not voluntarily disclose its lobbying contacts or political spending in New Zealand. There is no public record of its meetings with ministers or officials (in contrast to jurisdictions like the EU where PMI must file lobby reports). The company refused to comment to journalists on its lobbying activities when confronted with evidence of its 2017 plan. The lack of an official NZ lobby register means PMI’s political interactions remain opaque, a gap frequently criticised by transparency advocates.
Summary of Influence: Philip Morris NZ operates as a highly influential but opaque player in New Zealand’s policy arena. It leverages global resources and local political networks to shape laws in its favour, often at odds with public health objectives. The company’s tactics – from recruiting political insiders, to quietly seeding pro-tobacco arguments in government, to framing itself as a partner in harm reduction – exemplify the sophisticated strategies of a vested interest with much at stake. This profile highlights significant unanswered questions about PMI’s true level of influence in NZ’s corridors of power. (Data gaps exist due to poor transparency).
Sources
[1] Philip Morris New Zealand – “A smoke-free future for Aotearoa New Zealand,” PMI (Official website) – PMI promotes its smoke-free products as part of NZ’s Smokefree 2025 strategy (2019). https://www.pmi.com/markets/new-zealand/en
[2] “Philip Morris (New Zealand) Limited – Company Profile,” NZL Business Directory – Basic corporate information: NZBN 9429040970806, Company no. 2648, registered 2 Sep 1933, formerly Godfrey Phillips NZ. https://www.nzlbusiness.com/company/registered/Philip-Morris-New-Zealand-Limited
[3] “Philip Morris (New Zealand) Limited – Tobacco Returns 2023,” Ministry of Health (NZ) – Official address: 46 Sale Street, Auckland 1010 (physical); PO Box 128297 Remuera 1541 (postal); contact phone +64 9 531 5060. https://www.health.govt.nz/system/files/2024-05/philip_morris_new_zealand_limited_-_2023_tobacco_return.pdf
[4] Danica Ludlow, “NZ First need to come clean on lobbying by Philip Morris,” Health Coalition Aotearoa – Health experts call for NZ First to declare any links or donations from PMI NZ; leaked 2017 PMI document shows plan to lobby NZ First and Māori Party for favourable heated tobacco regulation (22 Aug 2024). https://www.healthcoalition.org.nz/nz-first-need-to-come-clean-on-lobbying-by-philip-morris/
[5] Guyon Espiner, “Leaked tobacco lobbying plan for ‘political pressure’ shows tobacco giant got its tax cut wish,” RNZ News – 2017 PMI NZ strategy document reveals plans to target political parties (NZ First, Māori Party) and frame opposition as “pro-harm”; Objective: ensure favourable regulation and excise cuts for heated tobacco (23 Aug 2024). https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/political/525810/
[6] Guyon Espiner, “Leaked plan (cont’d): Tobacco lobby targeted NZ First, sought tax cuts,” RNZ News – PMI’s plan aimed to “leverage” think-tanks like the Taxpayers’ Union and NZ Initiative to push for risk-proportionate regulation; explicitly maps out using NZ First to include smoke-free products in policy (2024)【Espiner RNZ, 23/8/24】. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/political/525810/
[7] Guyon Espiner, “From Parliament to tobacco lobbying,” RNZ News – Details revolving door: Ex-NZ First chief of staff David Broome is now External Relations Manager at PMI; ex-NZ First campaign director Apirana Dawson is PMI’s Director of External Affairs – both now lobby for the company that benefited from NZ First’s policy moves (2024)【RNZ, 23/8/24】. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/political/525810/
[8] Bryce Edwards, “Is Casey Costello fit to be a minister?” Point of Order – Critical analysis by political commentator: Costello’s handling of the smoking portfolio “highly questionable” with links to tobacco lobbyists. Notes a secret lobbying document given to her, using language like “nicotine is as harmful as caffeine” and calling smokefree laws “nanny state nonsense,” which guided her decisions (28 Aug 2024). https://pointofordernz.wordpress.com/2024/08/28/is-casey-costello-fit-to-be-a-minister/
[9] Bryce Edwards (cont’d), Point of Order – Highlights that the “influential tobacco document” appears to have been written by tobacco lobbyists and treated by Costello as official advice, yet was kept hidden. Also reiterates that PMI lobbyists Broome and Dawson (former NZ First staff) maintain close links to NZ First ministers (2024)【Point of Order, 28/8/24】. https://pointofordernz.wordpress.com/2024/08/28/is-casey-costello-fit-to-be-a-minister/
[10] Guyon Espiner, “Auditor-General asked to investigate Costello decision to slash tax on heated tobacco,” RNZ News – Opposition (Labour’s Dr Ayesha Verrall) calls for an inquiry, citing “signs of industry influence” in halving HTP excise. Notes Costello did this quietly and officials warned PMI would be the sole beneficiary. PMI has monopoly on HTPs in NZ (22 Oct 2024). https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/in-depth/531470/
[11] Labour Party – Release: Govt in thrall to tobacco lobbyists – Dr Ayesha Verrall says Costello “appears to have done what Philip Morris sought to achieve” in its strategy document; describes Costello as “in thrall” to lobbyists and prioritising industry profit over health (22 Aug 2024). https://www.labour.org.nz/govt_in_thrall_to_tobacco_lobbyists
[12] Lillian Hanly, “Costello brushes off revelation tobacco giant Philip Morris targeted NZ First,” RNZ News – NZ First’s Costello downplays RNZ’s exposé of PMI’s 2017 lobbying plan. Greens and Labour express alarm; Verrall notes the leaked plan “seems to be exactly what [Costello] has done in government” and calls the $216m tax break a payoff to Big Tobacco (23 Aug 2024). https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/political/525918/
[13] Guyon Espiner, “‘Most benefit’ of government’s tobacco tax cuts will go to Philip Morris, officials told Casey Costello,” RNZ News – Treasury briefing revealed Costello was told explicitly that PMI would be the biggest winner from the HTP tax cut and that HTPs are harmful; she overrode a “long list of problems” identified by officials, citing outside “independent” advice (30 Sep 2024). https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/top/529387/
[14] RNZ News, “Most benefit…Philip Morris” (cont’d) – New OIA documents show officials reminded that under the WHO FCTC, NZ must protect policy from tobacco industry interests. They warned removing duty from HTPs would be seen as serving the tobacco industry and noted WHO recommends taxing HTPs same as cigarettes. PMI was identified as the only commercial beneficiary (2024)【RNZ, 30/9/24】. https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/top/529387/
[15] RNZ/Bloomberg, “Australia wins WTO tobacco packaging case” – Notes that NZ’s own plain packaging law “was delayed when Philip Morris brought legal challenges against Australia’s version,” highlighting how PMI’s international litigation caused NZ to hold off implementing its law until those challenges were defeated (5 May 2017). https://www.rnz.co.nz/news/world/330129/
[16] Reuters, “New Zealand court gives Philip Morris nod to sell heated tobacco product” – Reports the March 2018 District Court decision dismissing the Ministry of Health’s case and allowing PMI to sell HEETS for IQOS. Quote from PMI NZ general manager Jason Erickson welcoming the ruling and calling for urgent regulatory reform of e-cigarette and smokeless product laws (27 Mar 2018). https://www.reuters.com/article/business/healthcare-pharmaceuticals/new-zealand-court-gives-philip-morris-nod-to-sell-heated-tobacco-product-idUSKBN1H333W
[17] Tax Working Group – Submission by Philip Morris (NZ) Ltd (1 Nov 2018) – PMI NZ’s submission to the government’s Tax Working Group, arguing that fiscal policy (tax) should encourage smokers to switch to reduced-harm products. PMI welcomed the idea of tax reform and requested to meet with the Group to provide more information【PMI submission, 2018】. https://taxworkinggroup.govt.nz/sites/default/files/2018-12/twg-subm-4054458-482x-philip-morris.pdf
[18] Tobacco Tactics (University of Bath), “Foundation for a Smoke-Free World” – Research article describing FSFW as a PMI-funded organisation launched in 2017 and widely considered a front for PMI’s interests. Notes that FSFW remained solely funded by PMI and that its attempts to portray itself as independent are discredited (updated 7 Aug 2024). https://tobaccotactics.org/article/fsfw/
[19] B. G. Marteau et al., “‘Foundation for a Smoke-Free World’ and healthy Indigenous futures: an oxymoron?” Tobacco Control 29(2):237-240 – Commentary highlighting a case in New Zealand where PMI’s FSFW launched a “Centre of Excellence” for Indigenous smoking reduction in 2018, raising ethical issues. New Zealand public health experts condemned the initiative, refusing to collaborate with tobacco-funded projects (2020). (PubMed ID: 31685514).
[20] Transparency International NZ et al., “Let’s Level the Playing Field” – A campaign by TI-NZ, Helen Clark Foundation, et al., calling for lobbying reform in NZ (April 2025). Background: NZ ranks poorly in regulating lobbying; cites recent controversies (like tobacco lobbying) as evidence of the need for a public register, a code of conduct, and cooling-off periods to “end hidden lobbying”. (Mentioned in Integrity Institute briefing.) – [No direct URL; summary of context].
Spot anything in this entry that is wrong? Please either leave a comment at the end or email, in confidence: bryce@democracyproject.nz