Taxpayers Union
1. Business / Trading Name: New Zealand Taxpayers’ Union Incorporated (commonly known as the New Zealand Taxpayers’ Union, or NZTU).
2. Company number: 2576763 (incorporation number as listed on the Incorporated Societies Register)
3. NZBN: 9429043241835.
4. Entity type: Incorporated Society (not a registered charity or company).
5. Business classification: Non-profit taxpayer advocacy and lobbying organisation (pressure group focused on government spending and tax policy).
6. Industry Category: Public policy advocacy / Political lobbying (operates as a political pressure group promoting fiscal conservatism).
7. Year founded: 2013 (formally registered on 11 March 2013).
8. Addresses:
• Registered Address: Level 4, 117 Lambton Quay, Wellington Central, Wellington 6012, New Zealand.
• Postal Address: PO Box 10518, Wellington 6140
9. Website URL:
https://www.taxpayers.org.nz.
10. LinkedIn URL: https://www.linkedin.com/company/nz-taxpayers-union/
11. Company Hub NZ URL: Data Not Found. (No listing on Company Hub NZ was found.)
12. NZ Companies Office URL: https://app.businessregisters.govt.nz/sber-businesses/viewInstance/view.html?id=229a78e05307b6d8bf1b29667f00cb17a7b59e1c50c55b95&_timestamp=1617788447687406 (Incorporated Societies Register)
13. Social Media URLs:
• Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TaxpayersUnion
• Twitter/X: https://x.com/nztaxpayunion (username @NZTaxpayersUnion)
• YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@NewZealandTaxpayersUnion
(These are the primary social channels; the NZTU is active on each.)
14. Ultimate Holding Company: None. The NZTU is an independent incorporated society with no holding company (it is not owned by any parent entity).
15. Key Shareholders: None – as an incorporated society, it has members, not shareholders. (Its funding comes from members and donors rather than share capital.)
16. Leadership: The organisation is led by a Board and executive team. Key figures include:
• Jordan Williams – Co-founder & Executive Director: Wellington lawyer who manages day-to-day operations. (Williams co-founded NZTU in 2013 and has been its public face.)
• David Farrar – Co-founder & former Board Member: A pollster (owner of Curia Market Research) and political blogger who co-founded NZTU; served 10 years on the board before retiring in 2023.
• Hon. Ruth Richardson – Board Chair (Acting): Former New Zealand Finance Minister (1990–1993) who joined the board and became acting chair in 2022, bringing high-level political and governance experience.
• John Bishop – Founding Chair: Former TVNZ political editor, chaired NZTU 2013–2017; father of National MP Chris Bishop. John passed away in September 2024.
• Barrie Saunders – Former Chair: Communications consultant, chaired 2017–2021. Co-founded well known government relations consultancy Saunders Unsworth.
• Ashley Church – Former Chair: Board member who briefly served as chair in 2021 (stepped down after five months).
(The board also includes business and political figures like Chris Milne and Hon. John Boscawen, see below.)
17. Staff: The Taxpayers’ Union has a professional staff of approximately 18 (as of 2023). Key staff members and their roles include:
• James Ross – Policy and Public Affairs Manager: Joined NZTU from the UK Conservative Party, managing policy advocacy and political strategy.
• Michelle van der Veer – Development Manager: Oversees fundraising and donor relations, with a background in business management.
• Sara Leckie – Office and Finance Manager: Handles administration and finances, assists the Board with donor engagement.
• Ray Deacon – Economist: Provides economic analysis; previously Regulatory Affairs Manager at Rio Tinto.
• Sam Warren – Local Government Campaigns Manager: Former Parliamentary Service advisor, leads campaigns on local government issues.
• Amber Tatton – Communications & Admin Coordinator: Background in project management and former MP staffer, supports communications and small-dollar fundraising.
• Rhys Hurley – Investigations Coordinator: (law student)
• Alex Emes – Communications Officer: Formerly with the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, handles media and communications.
(In addition, Jim Rose serves as a research fellow/adviser (ex-Treasury and other govt departments). Staff numbers have grown significantly in recent years in tandem with NZTU’s expanding campaigns.)
18. Staff that have held previous government roles: The NZTU has a notable “revolving door” element, with several staff or board members bringing experience from government or political offices:
• Hon. Ruth Richardson (Board Chair): Former National Party Finance Minister and Reserve Bank director, now leading NZTU’s board.
• Hon. John Boscawen (Board): Former ACT Party Member of Parliament and Minister, now on the NZTU board.
• Chris Milne (Board): Former Parliamentary Chief of Staff for the ACT Party and current local councillor, sits on NZTU board.
• Sam Warren (Staff): Previously an advisor in the NZ Parliamentary Service, now manages NZTU’s local government campaigns.
• Amber Tatton (Staff): Has prior experience working for a Member of Parliament, now in NZTU’s comms team.
• Jim Rose (Adviser): Worked at multiple government departments including the Treasury, now a research fellow at NZTU.
• David Farrar (Co-founder): Long-time National Party pollster and adviser (though his role at NZTU was governance, his political ties are significant).
(These examples illustrate how NZTU’s personnel often have insider knowledge of government or political processes, which can enhance the group’s lobbying effectiveness.)
19. Past Employees: Several notable staff have departed NZTU and often moved into political roles, highlighting a pipeline between the Union and government/politics:
• Louis Houlbrooke – Former Campaigns Manager: Served ~5 years leading NZTU campaigns; left in 2022. (“After five years at the Taxpayers’ Union, our Campaigns Manager Louis Houlbrooke is retiring and heading to South America.” ). He later joined the ACT Party’s parliamentary team as a Senior Press Secretary, exemplifying the revolving door into politics.
• Joe Ascroft – Former Economist: Worked as NZTU Economic Adviser (2017–2019), then moved into government – by 2023 he became a Senior Economic Advisor in the office of Prime Minister Christopher Luxon. He is now the Prime Minister’s Director of Policy and Advice
• Neil Miller – Former Analyst: Previously a Treasury analyst who joined NZTU (as a researcher/policy analyst), later moved on (role and destination noted in media but not publicly listed).
• (Other past staff include researchers and interns who have cycled between NZTU and roles in political parties or government. The trend of former NZTU staff moving to National or ACT Party offices has been noted as a pattern.)
20. Clients: Data Not Found (Not Applicable). The Taxpayers’ Union does not publicly list “clients.” It is structured as a member- and donor-funded advocacy group, not a consultancy. It claims to represent the interests of “Kiwi taxpayers” in general rather than specific paying clients. (Its funding comes from donations/memberships, and it undertakes self-initiated campaigns on issues rather than working on behalf of third-party clients.)
21. Industries/sectors represented: Officially, NZTU says it represents taxpayers as a whole, not any single industry. However, its advocacy often aligns with certain private sector interests. For example, NZTU has campaigned against tobacco taxes and vaping regulations (aligning with the tobacco/vaping industry), against alcohol taxes (“grog”) and sugar taxes (aligned with beverage industries), and generally favors business and farming sector views on limiting government spending and regulation. It has acknowledged receiving a small portion of funding (under 3% of its budget) from “regulated industries” like tobacco, alcohol, sugar, etc., indicating some representation of those sectors’ interests, albeit as a minor part of its platform.
22. Publicly Disclosed Engagements: The NZTU’s lobbying and political engagements are not formally disclosed through a public lobbying register (New Zealand has no mandatory lobbying register). However, some engagements are on record:
• Parliamentary submissions: NZTU regularly makes submissions to parliamentary select committees and government inquiries (e.g. submissions to the Tax Working Group in 2019 and on legislation such as the Three Waters reforms ).
• Registered promoter in elections: NZTU registers as a third-party promoter in NZ general elections. In 2023 it spent approximately $371,565 on election advertising during the regulated period, as declared in its Electoral Commission return. (This included campaign ads, billboards, and policy reports targeting government policies.) This amount places the NZTU among the seven registered promoters that spent more than $100,000, with its expenditure close to the maximum limit of $391,000 allowed for third-party promoters. (it was the second largest behind EV promoter which spent $387,0000).
• Ministerial meetings: With the change of government in 2023, senior officials have engaged with NZTU. For example, Prime Minister Chris Luxon’s official diary shows that he attended the “Taxpayers’ Union Summer Drinks” event on 2 April 2024 as an invited speaker. This indicates direct access at the highest level of government.
• Official Information Act requests: NZTU is an extremely active user of OIA requests to gather information (at one point accounting for over 5% of all OIA requests to Auckland Council). While not “meetings,” these are a form of engagement with public agencies and have led to official responses and subsequent media campaigns.
(NZTU also engages via media releases (nearly 100 press releases in the 2 months before the 2023 election) and public events that involve politicians (debates, roadshows), blurring the line between public campaigning and direct political engagement.)
23. Affiliations: The Taxpayers’ Union is connected to a number of national and international networks and organizations:
• Atlas Network: NZTU is an official partner of the Atlas Network (a global alliance of free-market think tanks). Its Executive Director attended Atlas training in 2015 and received an Atlas fellowship grant in 2018. According to Jordan Williams, Atlas Network support (grants and awards) has made up around 1–2% of NZTU’s budget.
• World Taxpayers Associations (WTA): NZTU is part of this international coalition of taxpayer advocacy groups. Jordan Williams was elected to the Board of the WTA in 2019, strengthening ties with taxpayer unions globally.
• Auckland Ratepayers’ Alliance: This was a local government watchdog founded in 2015 by Jordan Williams as a sister organization. It described itself as a “Taxpayers’ Union supported project” and was formally merged into NZTU in 2021. (It focused on Auckland Council issues and effectively operated as the Auckland branch of NZTU.)
• New Zealand Free Speech Union: NZTU shares a close relationship with the Free Speech Union (FSU). NZTU’s offices in Wellington are adjacent to the FSU, and Williams was involved in founding the FSU’s predecessor. They coordinate on some campaigns defending civil liberties (indicative of overlapping donor base and ideology).
• Political & Ideological Affiliations: While officially non-partisan, NZTU’s leadership and positions align with the political right. It has informal links with the ACT Party (several board/staff are ex-ACT; both advocate for limited government) and the National Party (co-founder Farrar is a National pollster, and NZTU’s campaigns often echo National’s criticisms of Labour policy ). These are not formal affiliations, but there is an ideological affinity and personal networks in common.
(No formal ties to government entities; NZTU operates independently but within a global conservative/libertarian advocacy community.)
24. Sponsorships / Collaborations: NZTU has partnered with media and like-minded groups to amplify its message:
• Media Partnership: In 2014, NZTU teamed up with Fairfax Media to publish “The Ratepayers’ Report,” a comparison of local government performance across NZ. This collaboration helped NZTU’s data reach a wider audience via Fairfax’s newspapers and websites.
• Issue-Based Coalitions: NZTU has worked in tandem with other groups on specific campaigns. During the Three Waters reform battle (2021–2022), NZTU’s “Stop Three Waters” petition and roadshow were promoted by Groundswell NZ (a farmers’ protest group). Groundswell encouraged supporters to use NZTU’s submission tool on Three Waters, indicating a coordinated effort among anti-Three Waters groups. Likewise, NZTU coordinated with local councils and community groups opposing the reforms.
• Events and Conferences: NZTU sometimes co-hosts events such as public debates. For instance, in the lead-up to elections, it hosted political debates (in 2023, NZTU ran seven election debates across the country), occasionally in partnership with local chambers of commerce or radio media for publicity.
• Academic/Think Tank Collaboration: NZTU shares ideological space with the New Zealand Initiative (a pro-market think tank; both are Atlas Network partners ) and has cited NZ Initiative research in its materials. While not a formal collaboration, there is an exchange of ideas and sometimes coordinated messaging on economic policy.
(Overall, NZTU leverages partnerships pragmatically – teaming up with media for data projects, grassroots groups for campaigns, and international networks for training and legitimacy.)
25. Events (held or organised by this organisation):
• “Taxpayers’ Union Summer Drinks”: An annual social event that doubles as a networking opportunity with political figures. In April 2024, Prime Minister Luxon attended and spoke at the Summer Drinks in Auckland, illustrating the event’s prominence.
• Election Campaign Debates: In 2023, NZTU hosted seven political debates around New Zealand, featuring candidates from major parties. These “Brighter Future” debates (often co-hosted with local groups) were designed to inform voters and promote NZTU’s profile during the election.
• “Stop Three Waters” Roadshow (2022): A nationwide tour of public meetings and protest events against the Three Waters reforms. NZTU held rallies at “roadsides, town squares, and town halls from Invercargill to Kerikeri,” drawing over 10,000 attendees in total. These events featured local mayors, councillors, and MPs who opposed the reforms, and were pivotal in building public pressure.
• Campaign Launches & Stunts: NZTU often holds press conferences or public stunts to launch campaigns or reports. For example, it unveiled a “Debt Clock” billboard touring the country to highlight government debt, and holds the annual “Jonesie Awards” (tongue-in-cheek awards for government waste) – events that garner media coverage (although not always formally listed, these are part of its event repertoire).
• Anniversary and Fundraising Events: In 2023, NZTU marked its 10-year anniversary with a celebratory event and even launched a book about its history. It also hosts member-only events such as its Annual General Meeting and occasional fundraising dinners for major donors (details of these are not publicly advertised, but references to “members-only events” are made ).
(Through these events, NZTU increases its visibility, engages supporters, and directly lobbies decision-makers in public forums.)
26. Political Donations: NZTU itself is not known to donate funds to political parties or candidates, positioning itself as an independent watchdog. A search of public records shows no direct political donations made by the NZTU to any party. Instead, NZTU influences politics through independent campaigning. In the 2023 election, NZTU effectively acted as a political campaign entity: it spent approximately $372,000 on advertising critical of government policies during the election period (as a registered third-party promoter). These expenses, while not “donations,” played a role similar to a political action committee – advocating policies and outcomes. NZTU’s own donors remain anonymous (the Union is not required to disclose its contributors publicly, unlike political parties). In summary, NZTU does not give money to politicians; rather, it spends money on campaigns and encourages its supporters to vote accordingly, thereby exerting political influence without direct donations.
27. Controversies: The Taxpayers’ Union has faced several controversies and criticisms regarding its tactics, funding, and transparency:
• Astroturfing & False Identities (2018): NZTU was caught using fake personas to make Official Information Act requests. An NZ Herald investigation revealed that nine false online identities were created by NZTU staff, using one staffer’s email as recovery contact, to request information from a government agency (Callaghan Innovation). NZTU admitted the ruse after initially refusing comment, claiming they did so because requests under their own name were being “de-prioritised”. Critics (including Callaghan Innovation’s chair) pointed out NZTU was actually receiving timely responses and accused the Union of unethical behavior to generate “publicity”. This astroturfing incident drew condemnation, leading to an apology of sorts from NZTU, but Williams defended it as in the public interest and compared it to undercover journalism.
• Tobacco Industry Ties: NZTU has aggressively opposed tobacco taxes and regulations (like plain packaging and vaping restrictions) under the banner of taxpayer rights. It launched a “Clear the Air” campaign promoting e-cigarettes and arguing against tobacco tax hikes. It later emerged that British American Tobacco (BAT) had been a donor to NZTU for several years. In a 2023 interview, Jordan Williams confirmed that BAT is a member (donor) of NZTU, and refused to deny Philip Morris was also a contributor. Williams insisted industry funding does not dictate NZTU’s stance and said all “regulated industries” combined (tobacco, alcohol, sugar, etc.) made up less than 3% of NZTU’s budget. Nonetheless, health advocates accuse NZTU of echoing tobacco industry talking points while presenting itself as a neutral taxpayer champion. This conflict of interest has been widely criticized in media and by public health experts.
• Opaque Funding and Agenda: NZTU’s refusal to disclose its major donors has led to speculation about hidden influence. It markets itself as a grassroots group (with numerous small donors) but also raises “millions of dollars from unknown donors”. The lack of transparency about whether large corporations or wealthy individuals bankroll its operations is a persistent controversy. Critics (including journalists and opposition politicians) frequently question if NZTU is a front for business interests or partisan agendas. NZTU counters that it has over 190,000 subscribed supporters and thousands of donors, implying no single donor dictates its agenda. Still, the secrecy around its funding sources remains a point of contention in debates about its credibility.
• Political Bias and Tactics: Though NZTU claims to be non-partisan, it has been accused of acting as a de facto right-wing lobby. For example, during Labour-led governments it has relentlessly attacked Labour’s policies (Three Waters, provincial growth fund, etc.), yet some observe it was quieter about waste under National governments. Its co-founders’ National/ACT ties fuel these claims. In 2020, NZTU took a government COVID wage subsidy (over ~$60,000) which appeared hypocritical given its criticism of government spending; NZTU later announced it would repay the subsidy in installments. Detractors labeled the Union’s hard-hitting campaigns “misleading” or “stunts” at times – e.g. the NZTU published an inflammatory report on Council Māori wards costs, which was challenged as inaccurate and divisive.
• Use of Aggressive Campaigning: The Union is known for provocative tactics, such as awarding “Jonesie Awards” for worst government waste, maintaining a “government waste hotline,” and deploying a mascot pig “Porky” to symbolize pork-barrel spending. While effective for publicity, these tactics blur into activism. In one case, NZTU staffer Jordan Williams himself was embroiled in a high-profile defamation case involving sensational allegations against a political figure (Colin Craig), raising questions about judgment. The Union’s aggressive social media presence (sometimes using memes and personal jabs) has also drawn controversy for lowering the tone of policy discourse.
(Overall, controversies around NZTU center on transparency, funding ethics, and whether it truly represents ordinary taxpayers or special interests. These issues have led observers to call for greater scrutiny of NZTU’s operations.)
28. Other information of note:
• Rapid Growth: In the decade since its founding, NZTU has grown from a small startup to one of NZ’s most prominent advocacy groups. It reports a large base of supporters – by 2023 NZTU claimed over 190,000 people on its email list and a significant increase in membership and one-off donations in the last few years. This surge was largely driven by public backlash to certain government policies (e.g. NZTU’s campaigns against the 2017–2023 Labour government’s programs tapped into widespread sentiments).
• Polling Influence: NZTU runs its own polling, often through co-founder David Farrar’s Curia Research. Notably, NZTU commissions public opinion polls on topical issues and even electorate polling. Between August and October 2023, NZTU paid for extensive polling at both national and electorate levels, releasing results that shaped media narratives during the election. Its regular “Taxpayers’ Union – Curia” poll has become a cited public poll (sometimes showing results divergent from other polls, which itself generates discussion about bias or methodology).
• Organisational Structure: NZTU operates not just as a lobby but also a media outlet of sorts. It produces a podcast (“Taxpayer Talk”), frequent press releases, research reports, and even a book (“Taxpayers’ Union at Ten”). It has a sister entity, the Taxpayers’ Union Foundation, reportedly used to support long-term projects and accept certain donations (to be confirmed, as details are scant publicly). The Union’s day-to-day is run by its Wellington office, but it now also has a part-time Auckland presence (reflecting efforts to cover local government nationwide).
• Relationships: NZTU’s work often intersects with that of political parties without being formally part of them. For instance, in 2022 when NZTU’s roadshow pressured the government, the National Party leveraged those events to announce policy shifts (Simon Watts, National’s Local Govt spokesperson, even made a pledge at an NZTU event to scrap co-governance in water reform). Such instances show NZTU’s influence on and interaction with party policy in real time.
• International Links: Besides Atlas Network ties, NZTU engages with overseas campaigns. In late 2024, an NZTU representative traveled to an international meeting in Panama to oppose a World Health Organization initiative on tobacco (part of a coalition of taxpayer groups fighting vaping regulations). NZTU frequently shares tactics and support with groups like the Canadian Taxpayers Federation and Australia’s IPA, indicating a flow of ideas across borders (e.g., the “Debt Clock” campaign mirrored similar projects overseas).
(In summary, NZTU is notable for its large support base, its blending of think-tank-style research with attention-grabbing activism, and its increasingly institutional role in NZ politics despite being a private lobby group.)
29. Recipient of Wage Subsidy Scheme: Yes – the New Zealand Taxpayers’ Union received COVID-19 Wage Subsidy payments in 2020, totaling just over NZ$60,000. This was at a time when NZTU’s donation revenue dipped during the pandemic lockdown. However, in early 2021 NZTU announced it would repay the wage subsidy in full over 24 months, in line with its stance that taxpayer funds should be returned if not absolutely needed. Jordan Williams acknowledged it was “embarrassing” for an anti-waste group to take government money, and stated the Union qualified under the rules but felt morally obliged to pay it back. By repaying the subsidy, NZTU claimed to “return to our default position of not being government funded”. (They used this episode to challenge other organisations, like trade unions and councils, to also refund any unnecessary subsidies.) The episode highlighted the tension between NZTU’s free-market principles and the practical realities of a crisis; ultimately, NZTU did return the funds, seeking to close the matter consistent with their advocacy for fiscal responsibility.
Sources
1. New Zealand Taxpayers’ Union – Wikipedia (overview of organisation’s founding, nature, and Atlas Network ties)
2. BizDb Company Registry Listing (NZTU Incorporated Society details: NZBN and addresses)
3. NZTU Terms & Conditions (confirming official name as New Zealand Taxpayers’ Union Incorporated)
4. NZTU “Our Team” page (leadership and staff backgrounds, showing ex-politicians and advisors on board and staff)
5. Wikipedia – Leadership section (notes on co-founders Williams and Farrar, chairs John Bishop, Barrie Saunders, etc.)
6. NZ Herald – David Fisher (2018 investigative article on NZTU false identities for OIAs)
7. RNZ News – Guyon Espiner interview with Jordan Williams (NZTU funding from tobacco, admission that BAT is a member, industry funding under 3%)
8. Expose Tobacco (STOP) – Profile on NZTU (noting BAT donations for at least three years and anti-tobacco-control campaigning)
9. NZTU Press Release (Feb 2021) – “Taxpayers’ Union calls on all unions to pay back wage subsidy” (NZTU announces decision to repay its own COVID wage subsidy)
10. NZTU Facebook post (via search snippet) – note on Louis Houlbrooke’s departure after 5 years as Campaigns Manager
11. LinkedIn Profile snippet – Louis Houlbrooke (current role supporting ACT in Parliament, indicating revolving door)
12. LinkedIn Profile snippet – Joe Ascroft (former NZTU economist 2017–2019, later Sr. Economic Advisor to PM in 2023)
13. RNZ News (Oct 2018) – “Lobbyist: Using fake names with OIA requests in public interest” (Jordan Williams defending OIA pseudonyms, admits ~40 instances)
14. NZ Herald – Nicholas Jones (2017) and Toby Manhire (2017) articles (descriptions of NZTU as right-wing pressure group) and satirical “invoice” for annoyance.
15. Newsroom – David Williams “Chiding in plain sight” Part I (Oct 2023) (overview of NZTU’s election activities, unknown donors, staff count vs PCE)
16. Newsroom – “Chiding in plain sight” Part II (Nov 2023) (membership and donations soared due to opposition to govt policies) (as referenced via search, since direct text not fully available).
17. Scoop Business – “Former Minister of Finance joins NZTU Board” (Jan 2022) (press release noting Ruth Richardson joining, and NZTU subscriber/member numbers, indicating broad support).
18. Electoral Commission – Registered Promoter Return 2023 – NZTU Inc. (detailing election advertising expenses totaling $371,565.05).
19. Beehive (NZ Government) – PM Chris Luxon’s April 2024 Diary Release (lists “Taxpayers’ Union Summer Drinks” event with PM’s attendance).
20. NZTU Roadshow Wrap-up (Jul 2022) – NZTU blog post (describing Stop Three Waters roadshow: 10,000+ attendees, commitments extracted from opposition MPs).
21. NZTU Official Website and Mission statements (recurring slogan “Lower Taxes, Less Waste, More Accountability” and statements of political independence).
22. RNZ – Podcast “30 Minutes with Guyon” featuring Jordan Williams (2023) (Williams openly discussing Atlas Network membership and brushing off secrecy concerns).
23. NZ Herald – “How NZTU used false identities…” by David Fisher (2018) (detailed account of astroturfing operation and responses from Callaghan Innovation).
24. NZ Herald Premium – Audrey Young “Luxon’s inner circle” (Mar 2024) (mentions Joe Ascroft as Policy Director in PM’s office – showing NZTU alum in key govt role).
25. Brian Easton blog – “The Taxpayers’ Union At Eleven” (2023) (noting NZTU took a ~$60,000 wage subsidy in 2020).
Spot anything in this entry that is wrong? Please either leave a comment at the end or email, in confidence: bryce@democracyproject.nz