Energy Resources Aotearoa

1. Business / Trading Name: Energy Resources Aotearoa (formerly Petroleum Exploration and Production Association of New Zealand (PEPANZ)). The name change took effect in March 2021 to reflect a broadened focus beyond just petroleum exploration.

2. Legal Status: Incorporated Society (industry trade association) based in Wellington, New Zealand. (No NZ limited company registration; operates as a membership-based association.)

3. NZBN / Company Number: 9429042782926 (As listed on the Incorporated Societies register.)

4. Year Founded: 1972 – established as PEPANZ, the national body for the oil and gas exploration & production industry.

5. Registered Address: PO Box 25259, Wellington. (address listed on website)

6. Website: energyresources.org.nz (active official website).

7. Social Media: Active on LinkedIn, Twitter (@energyresnz), and Facebook (runs pages like “Energy Mix NZ”). Also runs campaign sites such as Energy Voices (energyvoices.nz) promoting natural gas use.

8. Industry Classification: Energy industry lobby group / trade association. Represents the wider energy resources sector, historically focused on upstream oil and gas, now including natural gas distribution, LPG, large industrial energy users, etc..

9. Leadership: John Carnegie – Chief Executive since late 2019. (Carnegie was formerly Executive Director of the BusinessNZ Energy Council, indicating close ties to corporate energy networks.) Mark Macfarlane (Todd Energy Executive) serves as Board Chair. The board is composed of senior executives from major member companies (Todd Energy, OMV, Beach Energy, Mobil, Methanex, Powerco, etc.), reflecting industry dominance in governance.

10. Staff and Revolving Door: Staff details are not fully public. However, the Chief Executive’s case has drawn attention for revolving-door concerns: in 2024, John Carnegie was appointed to the board of a government energy agency (EECA) despite his lobbying role, raising conflict-of-interest issues. (No comprehensive public list of staff; “Data Not Found” for full staff roster.)

11. Member Organisations: Dozens of corporate members across the energy sector. Full Members (voting) include oil/gas producers like Todd Energy, OMV NZ, Beach Energy, NZ Oil & Gas, etc. Associate Members include service companies (engineering, legal firms such as Bell Gully) and large energy users. By 2022, membership expanded to include major energy consumer companies (e.g. Genesis Energy, a large gentailer, and Methanex, NZ’s biggest gas user) and infrastructure firms (Powerco, gas/electric network). The association proudly noted it now represents “from explorers and producers to distributors and users” across the sector.

12. Affiliations: Energy Resources Aotearoa is part of the BusinessNZ network (the umbrella business lobby) as an affiliated industry group. It also engages with international industry bodies; for example, it is an admitted Business & Industry NGO observer to UN climate talks and its CEO sits on the World Energy Council’s board (indicative of global industry links).

13. Public Engagement & Lobbying Activities: The association is a registered lobby group (though NZ has no official lobbyist register – see below) known for intensive government engagement. It regularly meets with ministers, MPs, and officials to advocate industry positions. It files submissions on legislation and appears in Parliamentary hearings on energy policy. It also runs public campaigns (e.g. the Energy Voices initiative promoting natural gas as vital for NZ) and holds industry events. Historically it hosted the annual New Zealand Petroleum Conference, bringing together industry and government – a key lobbying forum.

14. Government Access: No mandatory disclosures (NZ lacks a lobby register). Ministerial diary releases confirm frequent meetings; e.g. the Energy Minister met PEPANZ’s CEO multiple times (one diary shows a meeting with then-CEO Cameron Madgwick at Parliament on 14 Dec 2017). The lobby enjoys direct access to decision-makers through both formal consultations and informal networking (often facilitated by its board members’ corporate clout).

15. Political Donations: Data Not Found. There are no records of donations by the association itself to political parties (as an incorporated society, direct donations are uncommon and none are disclosed). However, member companies (like oil firms) have individually donated to political campaigns, which, while outside the association’s direct scope, underscores the industry’s political spend.

16. Advocacy Focus: Opposition to restrictions on oil & gas and promotion of fossil fuels as “critical” for NZ. It consistently advocates for policies favorable to oil and gas exploration, framing them as essential for energy security and economic growth. Conversely, it pushes back against climate policies seen as too “extreme” – for instance, it lobbied against the 2018 offshore exploration ban and against a 100% renewable electricity target by 2030. It emphasizes a “balanced” transition (keeping gas in the mix) and often calls for regulatory or financial incentives for fossil fuel investment.

17. Government Lobbying Transparency: No official register. New Zealand has no mandatory lobbyist register or disclosure law – a point frequently criticized by transparency advocates. Energy Resources Aotearoa’s meetings and communications with officials are thus opaque unless voluntarily revealed or obtained via OIA (Official Information Act) requests. (E.g., an OIA request by researcher Dr. Terrence Loomis in 2017 had to pry loose communications between PEPANZ and the Energy Minister about pro-industry policy recommendations.) The lack of disclosure requirements means much of its influence is wielded behind closed doors.

18. Regulatory Filings: As an incorporated society, it files annual returns with the Companies Office (Incorporated Societies Register) including basic financial information. (Detailed financial statements are not readily available in public domain; no evidence of charitable status.)

19. Financials: Operates on membership dues and industry funding. While exact figures are undisclosed, its membership includes some of the wealthiest energy corporations, indicating a robust funding pool. No direct government funding identified – although it has sought government financial support in other ways (see “Other Information” below). The association’s financial interest is directly tied to oil and gas profits: it openly states its members produce ~90% of NZ’s oil and gas and consume 2/3 of NZ’s gas, underlining that its budget and influence derive from the fossil fuel sector’s economic clout.

20. Clients / Beneficiaries: N/A (Lobbying on behalf of members). As an industry association, ERA doesn’t have “clients” in a commercial sense – its members are its constituents. Beneficiaries of its lobbying are the member companies and, by extension, the oil and gas sector. It consistently positions itself as advocating for “all New Zealanders’ energy needs,” but in practice it represents corporate interests of fossil fuel producers, pipelines, and large energy users.

21. Campaigns and Communications: Publishes reports, press releases, and “educational” materials to shape public opinion. Notable campaigns include Energy Voices, which promoted natural gas as a clean, essential part of NZ’s energy future, and regular media statements pushing back on climate policies (for example, media op-eds and releases arguing gas is needed for reliability, or that banning exploration was harmful). It also launched an “Energy 101” style site Energy Mix (energymix.co.nz) to present pro-fossil-fuel narratives. These communications often blur the line between information and lobbying, drawing criticism for spin and selective facts.

22. Notable Associates / Personnel: Historically led by figures from the oil industry. Cameron Madgwick, CEO 2014–2019, was a former oil company lawyer who became the face of industry opposition to the Ardern Government’s climate measures. The current CEO John Carnegie has a background in corporate lobbying and government advisory roles (including chairing a World Energy Council committee). There is a “revolving door” aspect: Carnegie’s 2024 appointment to EECA’s board (while still ERA CEO) exemplifies industry insiders moving into public roles. The association’s communications are handled by staff like Phil Rennie (a former government press secretary), indicating strategic hiring of people with political/media experience (citation: Public info on staff backgrounds).

23. Political and Policy Positions: Fiercely pro-gas and oil. ERA/PEPANZ has fought carbon regulations it perceives as too stringent – e.g. criticizing carbon pricing moves that increase costs for gas, or opposing bans on new permits. It insists fossil fuels must continue to play a “long-term” role, often using arguments about energy security, affordability, and even environmental trade-offs (claiming NZ gas is cleaner than imported alternatives). It says it supports climate goals “in principle” but advocates a slower transition; this has included promoting carbon capture and “lower-emissions” fossil tech to extend the life of oil/gas assets. Its policy stance aligns closely with the National Party and ACT Party on oil and gas development (indeed those parties adopted ERA’s positions to overturn the offshore ban).

24. Controversies: The organisation has been embroiled in several high-profile controversies over its influence and tactics. It was at the center of backlash against the Government’s 2018 offshore drilling ban – openly condemning the ban as reckless, and later claiming credit when the ban was reversed in 2023-24. Environmental groups accuse ERA (and PEPANZ before it) of misinformation and delay tactics – for example, portraying natural gas as a “clean” bridge fuel and lobbying for subsidies that critics call fossil fuel bailouts. The John Carnegie EECA appointment scandal in 2025 was a flashpoint: media revealed that officials had rejected Carnegie as a board candidate due to conflict of interest, only for a Minister to install him anyway. This prompted public debate about undue industry influence in clean energy agencies. The association has also been criticised by the Māori Climate Commissioner and others, who labeled its pro-drilling campaigns “propaganda for Big Oil” and asserted “PEPANZ are not the future”.

25. Litigation or Legal Issues: No major lawsuits on record against the organisation itself. Its advocacy has taken the form of public debate and lobbying rather than court action. However, it has flirted with legal boundaries by urging government support that some say would violate climate commitments or even be unlawful – for instance, its 2024 push for taxpayer underwriting of exploration risk was flagged by legal experts as potentially breaching NZ’s international obligations to phase out fossil subsidies. There is no known litigation stemming from that proposal, but it raised the specter of legal challenges if enacted.

26. Other Information of Note: In July 2024, Energy Resources Aotearoa secretly wrote to the Energy Minister requesting the government underwrite or guarantee fossil fuel exploration risk, effectively asking taxpayers to cover losses if new gas drilling fails. This unusual request – revealed via OIA – shows the extent of ERA’s influence: it had direct access to ministers to propose industry-friendly schemes. The Resources Minister acknowledged considering such support, aligning with ERA’s argument that the 2018 ban had deterred investment and that state intervention might be needed. The proposal provoked public outcry (Greens called it “deranged” to make taxpayers insure oil drillers) and highlighted a transparency gap, since the letter only became public through disclosure. Additionally, ERA is a participant in the new voluntary lobbyists’ code of conduct introduced in 2023. However, critics like the Integrity Institute’s Bryce Edwards have called that self-regulation “farcical…window-dressing” that does little to curb opaque lobbying practices.

27. Political Influence Summary: Energy Resources Aotearoa is widely regarded as one of the most powerful unregistered lobbying forces in New Zealand. Its successful pressure to overturn the offshore drilling ban and its penetration into government advisory roles (e.g. Carnegie on EECA) underscore its outsized influence on energy policymaking. Yet this influence is largely unauthorised and hidden from formal scrutiny – a prime example of why New Zealand’s laissez-faire lobbying regime faces growing criticism.

28. Integrity & Ethics: The organisation asserts it operates ethically and supports climate goals “through a responsible transition”. However, external watchdogs question its integrity due to apparent conflicts of interest and propaganda-style messaging. The lack of public transparency around its lobbying has been cited as a governance weakness for NZ. ERA’s approach often puts corporate interest ahead of the public interest in decarbonisation, raising ethical questions. (Notably, officials themselves were wary of ERA’s CEO serving in a government role, citing conflict of interest.) ERA’s heavy involvement in policy while being exempt from disclosure epitomises the “wild west” nature of NZ lobbying, where private influence can thrive without oversight.

29. Official Regulatory Oversight: None specific to lobbying. As an incorporated society, ERA is only overseen for basic compliance by the Companies Office. There is no dedicated regulator monitoring its lobbying. Recent moves by the government to consider a lobbying register and cooling-off periods (after a series of lobbying controversies) could affect ERA in the future. In the meantime, the Integrity Institute (a civil society watchdog) has included Energy Resources Aotearoa in its “Unauthorised Lobbying & Influence Register” to document and expose its political influence in the absence of official oversight.

Sources:

[1] “Material - PEPANZ” (Energy Resources Aotearoa background and lobbying summary), User-provided document (excerpt), via Integrity Institute research.

[2] Carnegie, John – LinkedIn Profile (snippet via PitchBook: BusinessNZ Energy Council role), PitchBook / LinkedIn, 2023.

[3] “Energy Resources Aotearoa – Wikipedia” (overview of formation and status), Wikipedia (references BusinessNZ & rebranding), 2023.

[4] Gibson, Eloise. “Simeon Brown appointed prominent oil, gas lobbyist to energy savings board against official advice,” RNZ News, 6 Mar 2025.

[5] “Fox in a henhouse,” The Standard (NZ political blog), 6 Mar 2025 – discusses Carnegie’s EECA appointment and RNZ OIA revelations.

[6] “New name and strategy for PEPANZ,” Energy Resources Aotearoa (press release), 11 Mar 2021 – quote by John Carnegie on rebranding.

[7] Watson, Mike. “Oil and gas lobbyists PEPANZ seek broader role with name change,” Taranaki Daily News (Stuff.co.nz), 11 Mar 2021 – (referenced via Oxfam report) details rebrand rationale.

[8] “New members strengthen energy sector advocacy,” Energy Resources Aotearoa (press release), 21 Feb 2022 – notes Genesis and Methanex joining ERA.

[9] Science Media Centre. “No new offshore oil exploration permits – In the News,” SciMediaCentre.co.nz, 12 Apr 2018 – compendium of reactions (incl. PEPANZ quote) to ban.

[10] Reuters. “New Zealand to introduce bill to reverse oil and gas exploration ban,” Reuters, 9 Jun 2024 – quotes Resources Minister on removing 2018 ban.

[11] “Hon Dr Megan Woods – Ministerial Diary Summary 2017-2018,” NZ Beehive (Minister’s office), released 2019 – shows meeting with PEPANZ CEO on 14/12/2017.

[12] O’Brien, Tova. “Offshore oil exploration to end, Government aims to soften blow for Taranaki,” Stuff.co.nz, 12 Apr 2018 – (via Science Media Centre) details ban and industry response.

[13] “Communications with PEPANZ about their March 2017 policy briefing,” FYI.org.nz (Official Information Act request), Aug 2017 – outlines PEPANZ’s 2017 recommendations and OIA request.

[14] Smellie, P. “Government to reverse oil and gas exploration ban – Beehive release,” Beehive.govt.nz, 26 Nov 2023 – official announcement aligning with ERA’s position.

[15] “100% target needs to be evidence based – PEPANZ,” Energy Resources Aotearoa News, 10 Sep 2020 – ERA press statement critical of 100% renewable goal.

[16] MBIE. “Introduction – Advancing NZ’s Energy Transition,” MBIE Consultation Document, 2023 – notes aspirational 100% renewable electricity by 2030.

[17] Energy Resources Aotearoa. “CCC proposal unnecessarily inflates household & business costs,” Media release, 5 Oct 2022 – ERA reaction to Climate Commission ETS advice.

[18] Newshub. “Oil, gas exploration ban ‘a lose-lose’ – industry response,” Newshub, 12 Apr 2018 – summarizes PEPANZ’s “lose-lose” comment on ban.

[19] Greenpeace Aotearoa. “Govt’s plan to underwrite oil exploration risk could be unlawful,” greenpeace.org.nz, 17 Dec 2024 – analysis by Nathan Cooper on ERA’s underwrite proposal vs climate obligations.

[20] “Māori Climate Commissioner: PEPANZ are not the future,” Scoop News (Press Release), 4 Feb 2019 – criticizes PEPANZ’s pro-fossil lobbying as propaganda.

[21] Edwards, Bryce. “The Silent Death of Lobbying Reform in NZ,” LinkedIn Pulse (Integrity Institute), 5 Mar 2025 – commentary on how lobbying (incl. oil & gas sector) runs rampant under current rules.

[22] Edwards, Bryce. “Bryce Edwards: Victory for transparency in lobbying reforms,” RNZ News (Comment & Analysis), 4 Apr 2023 – discusses NZ lobbying reforms and need for register, citing revolving door and lobbyist access.

[23] “Lobbying corrupts decisions,” The Integrity Institute (theintegrityinstitute.org.nz), 2023 – outlines how vested-interest lobbyists influence NZ government, calling for strict rules.

[24] New Zealand Parliament. “Crown Minerals (Decommissioning and Other Matters) Amendment Bill – Third Reading,” Hansard, 9 Nov 2021 – debate with references to industry input on decommissioning law (ERA called it overkill).

[25] NZ Herald. “Green Party criticises fossil fuel lobbyist on EECA board,” NZ Herald (via RNZ), 7 Mar 2025 – notes Green MP calling Carnegie’s appointment contradictory to EECA’s mission.

Spot anything in this entry that is wrong? Please either leave a comment at the end or email, in confidence: bryce@democracyproject.nz

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